Populism Scale
Populism Attitudes Scale (PAS) · Also known as: PAS, Akkerman Populism Scale, Populist Attitudes Measure
The Populism Attitudes Scale measures individual propensity toward populist political orientations, including Manichean worldview (pure people vs. corrupt elites), belief in popular sovereignty, and anti-elitism. Developed by Akkerman, Mudde, and Zaslaysky (2014), the eight-item scale distinguishes populist attitudes from left-right ideology, authoritarian attitudes, and distrust of institutions. It captures voters' susceptibility to populist political messaging across left-wing and right-wing populist movements globally, from Latin American left-populism to European right-wing populism.
Read the full method
Sign in with a free account to read this section.
Method map
The neighbourhood of related methods — select a node to explore.
When to use it
Use Populism Scale in studies of populist party voting, electoral volatility, support for direct democracy mechanisms, attitudes toward institutional reform, receptivity to populist messaging in experiments, partisan polarization, and political dissatisfaction. Appropriate for general adult voting populations, university students, and online panels. Useful in comparative studies across democracies varying in institutional quality and populist party presence. Can be administered as outcome measure in experiments testing populist rhetoric effects. Less suitable for children below age 16 or populations with limited political concepts.
Strengths & limitations
- Measures populist attitudes independent of left-right ideology; captures why voters from opposing ideological camps (left and right populists) respond to populist appeals.
- Brief (8 items) and easily administered; suitable for large election studies and online surveys.
- Validated in 20+ countries across diverse institutional contexts; predicts populist party support across continents.
- Distinguishes populism from related constructs (authoritarianism, distrust, polarization); multidimensional structure clarifies which aspects drive political behavior.
- Does not measure specific populist party preferences; high populism predicts vulnerability to populist appeals but not which populist candidate/party.
- Context-dependent validity: in high-corruption contexts, populism scale may capture rational distrust rather than ideological orientation. Requires institutional quality control.
- Conflates anti-elitism with populism; some voters distrust elites without embracing populist framing (libertarians, anarchists). Clarify whether the target is populism specifically.
- Limited temporal stability: populist attitudes fluctuate with political events (elections, crises); longitudinal test-retest data are limited.
Frequently asked
Can someone be a non-populist populist supporter (e.g., low populism score but votes for populist party)?
Yes. Some voters may support a populist party on single-issue grounds (immigration, economy) without embracing populist worldview. Also, voters in countries with high institutional trust may have low populism scores yet support parties labeled populist by international scholars. The scale measures attitudes, not party choice; high alignment between populism score and populist party voting (r = 0.60-0.70) but far from perfect correlation.
Is populism the same as anti-establishment sentiment?
Related but distinct. Anti-establishment sentiment reflects dissatisfaction with current power holders; populism reflects the ideological framing of that dissatisfaction as pure people vs. corrupt elite. Someone might be anti-incumbent (wanting different politicians) without being populist (accepting that politics is complex, requiring expertise). However, prolonged anti-establishment sentiment can radicalize into populism if channeled by populist movements.
Do populist attitudes predict political violence?
Populism alone is not a strong violence predictor. Populism combined with authoritarianism, perceived injustice, and organizational mobilization increases violence risk. Most high-populism individuals engage in conventional politics. However, populist framing ('system is rigged, elites oppress us') can justify unconventional or illegal action if violence is presented as self-defense or reclaiming stolen power. Context and mobilization matter more than attitudes alone.
Can centrist or moderate politicians appeal to populism attitudes?
Yes. 'Populism' describes a style of political communication, not ideology. Centrist or establishment politicians can use populist rhetoric ('fighting for ordinary people against special interests') without embracing full populist ideology. However, voters often perceive such rhetoric as inauthentic if the candidate lacks anti-establishment credibility. Populism attitudes predict receptivity to populist framing regardless of source, but voters discriminate between credible and opportunistic populists.
Sources
- Akkerman, A., Mudde, C., & Zaslaysky, A. (2014). How populist are the people? Measuring populist attitudes in voters. Comparative Political Studies, 47(9), 1324-1353. DOI: 10.1177/0010414013512600 ↗
- Mudde, C. (2004). The populist zeitgeist. Government and Opposition, 39(4), 541-563. DOI: 10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00135.x ↗
- Canovan, M. (1999). The people. Cambridge: Polity Press. link ↗
How to cite this page
ScholarGate. (2026, June 3). Populism Attitudes Scale (PAS). ScholarGate. https://scholargate.app/en/political-psychology/populism-scale
Which method?
Set this method beside its closest kin and read them side by side — the library lays the books on the table; the choice is yours.
- Conspiracy Mentality QuestionnairePolitical Psychology↔ compare
- National Identity ScalePolitical Psychology↔ compare
- Political Ideology ScalePolitical Psychology↔ compare