National Identity Scale
National Identity Scale (NIS) · Also known as: NIS, National Attachment Scale, Patriotism Scale
The National Identity Scale measures the strength and character of individuals' identification with their nation, including attachment to national symbols, pride in national achievements, and sense of belonging to the national community. Developed by Kosterman and Feshbach (1989), it distinguishes patriotism (pride in national accomplishments, willingness to serve) from nationalism (belief in national superiority, willingness to act against outsiders). The measure has become essential in comparative politics, examining how national identity shapes political behavior, attitudes toward immigration, support for international cooperation, and electoral choices.
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When to use it
Use National Identity Scale in studies of nationalist political movements, immigration attitudes, international relations and foreign policy preferences, voting behavior in multiethnic or multinational societies, responses to national crises or conflicts, attitudes toward European integration or supranational institutions, and educational effects on national identity. Appropriate for general adult populations, college students, and diverse demographic groups. Useful in longitudinal studies tracking identity shifts over time, and in cross-national research comparing identity strength across democracies. Less suitable for young children (below age 10) who have not fully developed national concepts.
Strengths & limitations
- Clear conceptual distinction between patriotism and nationalism; enables nuanced interpretation of national attachment without conflating civic pride with xenophobia.
- Strong cross-national validity; measured consistently across 50+ countries allowing robust comparisons.
- Predictive of consequential political outcomes: voting for nationalist parties, immigration attitudes, foreign policy preferences, military service support.
- Responsive to political events (war, Olympic victories, international disputes) and historical context (post-colonial identity strengthening).
- Response scale anchors may vary by culture; 'pride' is expressed differently across individualist vs. collectivist societies, potentially biasing cross-national comparisons.
- Social desirability bias: in liberal democracies, explicit nationalism is stigmatized, leading to underreporting of nationalist views. In new or nationalist-governed states, patriotism may be over-reported.
- Conflation with ideology: nationalism correlates with conservatism, making it difficult to isolate effects of identity from ideology without careful statistical control.
- Temporal instability: national identity strengthens during crises (wars, Olympics) and weakens during periods of national shame or international humiliation, limiting test-retest stability.
Frequently asked
Is national identity innate or socially constructed?
Benedict Anderson argues nations are 'imagined communities'—socially constructed through education, media, and rituals, not based on primordial blood ties. Identity develops in childhood through family socialization, school curricula, and media exposure. However, once internalized, national identity feels natural and primordial to holders. Research shows national identity varies dramatically by age cohort, historical period, and education level, supporting constructivist accounts. Yet neurological evidence suggests emotional attachment to group symbols activates innate tribal instincts, suggesting both construction and biological predisposition.
Can someone have multiple national identities?
Yes, especially in multinational states, diaspora communities, or through immigration/naturalization. Research in Canada, Spain, Belgium, and Switzerland shows dual identities (national and regional/ethnic) are common. Some people identify strongly with multiple nations (e.g., European and national identities simultaneously). The 'identity balance' varies: some prioritize one identity; others maintain equal attachment. In extreme cases, competing identities can generate conflict, as seen in Lebanon or Bosnia, where group loyalty overrides national loyalty.
Does high national identity predict ethnocentrism and prejudice?
High national identity moderately correlates with ethnocentrism (r=0.30-0.50), but the relationship depends on type of nationalism. Civic nationalism (pride in shared institutions and values) shows weak correlation with prejudice; ethnic nationalism (pride in shared kinship or culture) shows stronger correlation. High national identity combined with perceived threat (economic competition, immigration) amplifies prejudice. However, high identity alone does not predict prejudice; context and threat perception mediate the relationship.
Why do some countries have much higher national identity than others?
Variation reflects nation age (newer nations often have deliberately cultivated identity), historical traumas or glories (post-colonial nations emphasize identity; nations with colonial histories may downplay it), economic inequality (high inequality increases nationalism as compensatory pride), cultural diversity (homogeneous nations typically report higher identity), and institutional design (federal systems competing with state identity report lower national identity). Nordic countries report moderate identity because strong institutions and sense of efficacy reduce need for emotional national compensation.
Sources
- Kosterman, R., & Feshbach, S. (1989). Toward a measure of patriotic and nationalistic attitudes. Political Psychology, 10(2), 257-274. DOI: 10.2307/3791647 ↗
- Anderson, B. (2006). Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism (Revised Edition). London: Verso. link ↗
- Smith, T. W., & Jarkko, L. (2010). National pride in cross-national perspective. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 22(1), 74-101. link ↗
How to cite this page
ScholarGate. (2026, June 3). National Identity Scale (NIS). ScholarGate. https://scholargate.app/en/political-psychology/national-identity-scale
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