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| Political Cynicism Scale× | 政治效能感量表× | |
|---|---|---|
| 领域 | 政治心理学 | 政治心理学 |
| 方法族≠ | Latent structure | Process / pipeline |
| 起源年份≠ | 1961 | 1969 |
| 提出者≠ | Robert Agger, Marshall Goldstein & Stanley Pearl | Richard Niemi, Steven Craig, Albert Bandura |
| 类型≠ | Attitude scale for distrust of politics | Self-report |
| 开创性文献≠ | Agger, R. E., Goldstein, M. N., & Pearl, S. A. (1961). Political Cynicism: Measurement and Meaning. The Journal of Politics, 23(3), 477-506. DOI ↗ | Niemi, R. G., Craig, S. C., & Mattei, F. (1991). Measuring internal political efficacy in the 1988 National Election Study. American Political Science Review, 85(4), 1407-1413. DOI ↗ |
| 别名≠ | Political Distrust Scale, Agger-Goldstein-Pearl Cynicism Measure, Cynicism Toward Government Scale, Political Disaffection Scale | Political Efficacy, Internal Efficacy, External Efficacy |
| 相关 | 3 | 3 |
| 摘要≠ | The Political Cynicism Scale measures the disposition to hold politicians and politics in disrepute, viewing officeholders as dishonest, self-serving, and unresponsive. First operationalized by Agger, Goldstein, and Pearl in 1961, the construct captures a generalized distrust distinct from disagreement with particular leaders or policies. Cynicism scales sit alongside political trust and efficacy as core measures of citizens' orientation toward the political system, and they figure prominently in debates, sharpened by Jack Citrin, over whether low trust reflects deep alienation from the regime or merely dissatisfaction with current incumbents. | Political efficacy measures sense of personal agency and power in the political system, encompassing both internal efficacy (belief in own political competence and understanding) and external efficacy (belief that the political system is responsive to citizen input). Rooted in Bandura's self-efficacy theory (1977) and developed for political contexts by Niemi, Craig, and colleagues (1969 onwards), the measure explains why some citizens feel empowered to engage in politics while others feel powerless. High-efficacy citizens are substantially more likely to participate, contact representatives, and vote; low-efficacy citizens withdraw from politics and are susceptible to anti-democratic appeals. |
| ScholarGate数据集 ↗ |
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