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| Segmented Assimilation Test× | Ethnic Enclave Effect Estimation× | |
|---|---|---|
| المجال | Migration Studies | Migration Studies |
| العائلة | Regression model | Regression model |
| سنة النشأة≠ | 1993 | 1989 |
| صاحب الطريقة≠ | Alejandro Portes & Min Zhou | Alejandro Portes & Leif Jensen |
| النوع≠ | Interaction-based regression test of divergent assimilation paths | Earnings regression of returns to enclave-economy participation |
| المصدر التأسيسي≠ | Portes, A., & Zhou, M. (1993). The New Second Generation: Segmented Assimilation and Its Variants. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 530(1), 74-96. DOI ↗ | Portes, A., & Jensen, L. (1989). The Enclave and the Entrants: Patterns of Ethnic Enterprise in Miami before and after Mariel. American Sociological Review, 54(6), 929-949. DOI ↗ |
| الأسماء البديلة | Segmented Assimilation Analysis, Modes of Incorporation Test, Divergent Assimilation Paths Model, Portes-Zhou Second-Generation Model | Enclave Economy Wage Effect, Ethnic Economy Returns Estimation, Portes-Jensen Enclave Model, Enclave Participation Effect Analysis |
| ذات صلة | 3 | 3 |
| الملخص≠ | The segmented assimilation test, formalized by Alejandro Portes and Min Zhou in 1993, examines why the children of immigrants follow strikingly different trajectories rather than converging on a single mainstream path. Against the classic assumption that each generation moves steadily upward into the white middle class, Portes and Zhou argued that the second generation can take at least three divergent routes: upward assimilation into the mainstream, downward assimilation into a marginalized underclass, or selective acculturation in which families preserve co-ethnic ties and values while advancing economically. Which route a child takes depends not on individual effort alone but on the 'modes of incorporation' — the government policy, societal reception, and co-ethnic community structure that greet the group on arrival. Empirically the theory is tested by modeling second-generation outcomes as a function of parental human capital, context of reception, and community resources, and by probing the interactions among them. The presence of significant interaction effects, rather than a single additive ladder, is the signature of segmentation. The framework reoriented immigration research toward the structural conditions that channel mobility downward as well as upward. | Ethnic enclave effect estimation measures the economic consequences of working within a co-ethnic enclave economy — a spatially concentrated cluster of immigrant-owned firms employing co-ethnic workers — rather than in the open secondary labor market. The framework was forged in the debate launched by Alejandro Portes and Leif Jensen's 1989 study of Miami's Cuban enclave before and after the Mariel boatlift, which asked whether enclave participation rewards immigrants and, crucially, whether it lets them convert their human capital into earnings the way the mainstream economy does. The central empirical object is the coefficient on an enclave-participation indicator in a log-earnings equation, together with the interaction between participation and human capital that reveals whether education and experience pay off inside the enclave. Because immigrants are not randomly sorted into the enclave, selection correction is essential, and how 'enclave' is defined — by residence, by ownership, or by employment in co-ethnic firms — sharply affects the conclusion. Portes and Zhou later folded the enclave into the broader theory of selective acculturation, where co-ethnic economies serve as a mobility ladder. The method remains the standard tool for testing whether ethnic economies trap or uplift their participants. |
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