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| Distributive Politics Analysis× | Redistribution Preference Analysis× | |
|---|---|---|
| Πεδίο | Political Economy | Political Economy |
| Οικογένεια | Regression model | Regression model |
| Έτος προέλευσης≠ | 1986 | 1981 |
| Δημιουργός≠ | Gary Cox & Mathew McCubbins (core); Avinash Dixit & John Londregan (swing) | Allan Meltzer & Scott Richard (self-interest); Roland Benabou & Efe Ok (mobility/POUM) |
| Τύπος≠ | Regression analysis of electorally motivated spending allocation | Individual-level survey regression of redistribution attitudes |
| Θεμελιώδης πηγή≠ | Cox, G. W., & McCubbins, M. D. (1986). Electoral Politics as a Redistributive Game. The Journal of Politics, 48(2), 370-389. DOI ↗ | Meltzer, A. H., & Richard, S. F. (1981). A Rational Theory of the Size of Government. Journal of Political Economy, 89(5), 914-927. DOI ↗ |
| Εναλλακτικές ονομασίες | Electoral Targeting Analysis, Swing versus Core Voter Analysis, Pork Barrel Politics Analysis, Tactical Redistribution Analysis | Demand for Redistribution Analysis, Redistribution Attitudes Regression, Preferences for Redistribution Model, Support for Redistribution Analysis |
| Συναφείς | 3 | 3 |
| Σύνοψη≠ | Distributive politics analysis studies how governments allocate divisible public spending — grants, transfers, projects, and pork — across districts and groups to maximize electoral support. Two competing theories anchor the field. The swing-voter logic, formalized by Avinash Dixit and John Londregan in 1996 (building on Lindbeck and Weibull), holds that parties target marginal districts where votes are most responsive to spending. The core-voter logic, associated with Gary Cox and Mathew McCubbins's 1986 redistributive-game model, holds that parties instead reward loyal supporters whose preferences and reliability they know best. The empirical method is a regression of observed transfers on electoral characteristics — district marginality and partisan alignment — to test which targeting strategy the data reveal. | Redistribution preference analysis examines why individuals support or oppose government efforts to reduce inequality. The self-interest baseline comes from Meltzer and Richard's 1981 model, in which the demand for redistribution falls with one's own income because the rich pay more and receive less from transfers. Benabou and Ok's 2001 POUM (prospect of upward mobility) hypothesis adds a forward-looking twist: people who expect to climb the income ladder may oppose redistribution even when currently poor, because they anticipate being net payers tomorrow. A third strand emphasizes beliefs about fairness — whether success reflects effort or luck. The empirical method is an individual-level survey regression, typically ordered logit or multilevel, of redistribution attitudes on income, mobility expectations, beliefs, and contextual factors. |
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